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As advertised a few months back I have created a new website for more of a Free Speech Atmosphere, I will no longer allow FE Theory at WT.Online but will at Truth In The World Dot Com, I will not allow FE here as per the last few months and doubt that I ever will, I Loathe it mainly because of all the infighting it brings and a certain tribe is laughing at us because of it, Meanwhile they are up to the usual tricks while we squabble over something with Zero Relevance, Danke

Iris Chang - The Rape of Nanking

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Darcy John Bouchard
14
Published on 21 Sep 2022 / In Audiobooks

⁣Iris Chang - The Rape of Nanking (⁣1997)



⁣The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II is a feature-length documentary ⁣account of the Nanking Massacre written by Iris Chang.



https://archive.org/details/20....210421_20210421_0704

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Whitmann
Whitmann 4 days ago

General Eisenhower's crimes against humanity are truly unsurpassable. There are some conservative estimates that more than 1.5 million German POWs (reclassified as combatants) were eliminated in the Rheinwiesenlager extermination camps in mid- 1945.

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Darcy John Bouchard
Darcy John Bouchard 4 days ago

Yes... but like Patton, I think "maybe" that Eisenhower 'martened sup' after awhile because of his closing address to the nation (see link following): It seems very similar to John F Kennedy talking about secret society:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wSyJaUxwP-E




A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction. Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea. Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defence; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defence establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations. This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence—economic, political, even spiritual—is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the
Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this
development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave
implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society. In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defence with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together. Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades. In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government. Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and
scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of
research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government
contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers. The prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded. Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientific technological elite. It is the task of statesmanship to mould, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system—ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society’s future, we—you and I, and our government—must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect. Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield. Disarmament, with mutual honour and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose.
Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the
lingering sadness of war—as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years—I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.

US President Dwight D. Eisenhower,
Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower,
1960, p. 1035- 1040


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Gg-jvHynP9Y




The God-Damned NaZio-Devilluminatists are about to Make a Decisive Move (2019-2020) Part 1

https://archive.org/details/th....e-god-damned-nazioll


The God-Damned NaZio-Devilluminatists are about to Make a Decisive Move (2019-2020) Part 2
https://archive.org/details/th....e-god-damned-nazio-d

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dino
dino 7 days ago

The rape of Nanking is most likely a complete fabrication.

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Darcy John Bouchard
Darcy John Bouchard 7 days ago

No! We have the personal journals of John Rabe, a German businessman who lived in Nanjing at the time of the Nanking Massacre in 1937–1938.

The Good Man of Nanking: The Diaries of John Rabe is a collection of the personal journals of John Rabe, a German businessman who lived in Nanjing at the time of the Nanking Massacre in 1937–1938.

https://archive.org/details/go....odmanofnanking0000ra

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